Ethnic strife in NE

By Nirendra Dev

Thus, it is not erroneous to say that the genesis of the Manipur crisis lies in diversity and what can be stated as the ‘pluralisation’ of claims. It is stated that the ‘logic of us and the ideology of others’ motivates the root cause of  identity  politics  in the region. There are multiple  reasons  that are being attributed for the crisis in Manipur.

The rich diversity of the North Eastern region is often a strength; but these pose challenges too. The latest fracas that has unfolded raises the same old questions raised from time to time. And that question can be probably revolving around -- the query -- “If I am not wrong; why have you spoiled the situation”.

In his masterpiece ‘The Conquest of Happiness’ Bertrand Russel says - “The man divided against himself looks for excitement and distraction he loves strong passion”. Russel further explains that ‘passion’ takes the man ‘outside himself’. This applies to human kind at the global stage but it applies more to the people of the North East. Hence, one can say, if one is in the North East, he or she could be a man ‘divided against himself’.

Now let us do the stock taking. The state of Manipur as  a  whole and three segments of societies -- the Meiteis, the Kukis and the Nagas have even in the past found flirting dangerously with civil unrest. Manipur is not alone. All states in the North Eastern region barring the new member Sikkim have seen enough of such ethnic and communal clashes and enough of so-called ‘cleansing’.

Thus, Biharis, Bengali Hindus and Gorkhalis have been at the receiving end in Shillong in Meghalaya and people left for good. Shillong was once the noted education hub in the entire region and also a tourist’s paradise. All that is probably gone now. In the nineties, after a senior politician was allegedly found ‘involved’ in inciting communal violence, he was rewarded and made a Governor.

Forget tribals-non tribals; episodes like the Reang-Mizo differences and   Naga-Kuki   issues of the 1990s were really unfortunate, but these clashes were between tribals. And even the ‘they’ syndrome or enemy keep changing. Today, the Nagas and Meiteis stand together despite tribal-non tribal differences. But in the 1990s, the Nagas had their own issues with Kukis and they “could not trust” each other. There was a time when the Naga-Kuki clashes used to be a nightmare both in Nagaland and in Manipur.

In 2001 when the Naga ceasefire was extended to parts of Naga inhabited areas of Manipur, the Imphal valley burnt for days -- meaning Nagas and Meiteis did not trust each other. In the biggest state of Assam, there used to be a serious anti-foreigners stir by the powerful All Assam Students Union (AASU). Slowly the agitation turned against Bengalis -- Hindus and Muslims clubbed together. And for a few years, non-Assamese students could not study in Guwahati.

There have been problems in Tripura as well. The tribal-non tribal (primarily Hindu Bengali)  divide  owes its origin to a fallacy of a policy tried in the 1960s. In subsequent stages the relations only deteriorated further owing to political reasons as well. Both political parties - the CPI(M) and the Congress -- tried to work on the ‘fear’ psychosis of Bengalis. The Congress chiefly failed to make penetration among the tribals  in  the  hills  and as a  result,  Tripura easily became a red bastion  for  a  long.  It was only in 2018, the BJP’s aggressive campaigning coupled with the promise of jobs for youths alongside the right synthesis of Hindutva politics ensured the ouster of the communists. In between  the  Congress in alliance with Tripura Upajati Yuva Parishad then a dominant tribal party had formed a rag tag government for five years. The tribals are now are demanding greater autonomy in the hills saying the existing district councils are not good enough!

Disturbances in various parts of North East and tribal-non tribal clashes have led to intra-region migration of people. A large number of people from Assam, Nagaland and Meghalaya moved to Tripura and even places like Siliguri in West Bengal. The intra-region migration of Bengali Hindus from Meghalaya and Assam into Tripura has been staggeringly high. This again contributed to tribals getting further ‘cornered’ in their own state.

In 1987 the Meghalaya capital Shillong was witness to indiscriminate violence mostly on parochial lines. The anti-outsiders agitation and violence largely  left  Bengalis and Nepalis at the receiving end. A judicial probe by retired judge B N Sharma of Gauhati High Court had later attributed the violence and deteriorating situation to “lack of social and cultural contact” between native Khasis and others. The growing  regionalism and parochialism and lack of employment opportunities were also attributed as major factors. No state has been exception to the general rule of ethnic tension. In Mizoram, Vai (outsiders) bashing used to be a regular annual  feature for many years in the 1990s.

“If at all anyone was interfering into the functioning of CEO, it was the stae government through its Mizo Home Secretary,” was the refrain by a section of retired babus. The Reangs or Brus facing discrimination have been demanding setting up of polling stations at relief  camps  in Tripura -a move opposed vehemently by the Mizo society. Bru refugees willing to repatriate to Mizoram as part of the agreement signed earlier this year should exercise franchise in their respective polling stations inside Mizoram,” said YMA chairman Vanlalruata.

Earlier in May 2018, a four-party agreement between centre, the Mizoram government, the Tripura government and Reang refugees was inked in Delhi and it was decided that ‘repatriation’ of the Brus or Reangs from Tripura camps would be felicitated. Of course, given the age-old differences between Mizos and Reangs, this was easy said than done. Hence it was only natural that on the eve of elections, the high intensity emotive issue got blown up.

There is yet another issue of governance or the lack of it when it comes to violence in Manipur. A deep divide in Manipur police on ethnic lines became very evident in the ongoing conflict. Of course,sources maintained that this has made “the task of Army, Assam Rifles and other CAPF units even difficult”.

Large quantities of automatic weapons have been looted from police during the unrest and these certainly do not augur well for the situation and a state administration. Moreover, the roles of two organisations Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun have surfaced lately and these oughts to be looked into. Did they enjoy some patronage?

The ongoing violence and communal tension in Manipur are also causes of setback to the overall development journey of the state. And this ‘distraction’ from the developmental journey is also a  setback  for  Kukis,  Nagas and other tribals  in  the  state.  Emerging  as an ‘island of peace’ for some time, Manipur under the ‘double-engine government’ has experienced a lot of positive developments including pumping in of investments. In other words, the good works and achievements too have been jeopardised.

MIZORAM -- Native Mizos have issues against Brus/Reangs

TRIPURA -- Tribals have big differences with Bengali population

MEGHALAYA - Communal and ethnic strife have driven our Bengalis and Nepalis

ASSAM - Anti foreigners stir turned against Bengalis in 1970s and 1980s - Asom Gana Parishad which came to power in 1986 was a political  outfit of student leaders leading anti- Bangladeshi stir.

NAGALAND - There are 17 tribes among Nagas with minor differences - ‘Eastern Nagaland’ Nagas now demand autonomy in the region - Nagas-Non-Nagas have had good relations but also tensions.

MANIPUR - At present Kukis have clashes with Meiteis in the past Nagas have fought Kukis

And Meiteis have also fought against Nagas. There were communal riots too in Manipur.